
The nationalisation of our masses will succeed only when, aside from all the positive struggle for the soul of our Folk, their international poisoners are exterminated. (5) All great questions of the day are questions of the moment and represent only consequences of definite causes. Only one among all of them, however, possesses causal importance, and that is the question of the racial preservation of the Nation. In the blood alone resides the strength as well as the weakness of man. As long as Folks do not recognise and give heed to the importance of their racial foundation, they are like men who would like to teach poodles the qualities of greyhounds, failing to realise that the speed of the greyhound, like the docility of the poodle, are not learned, but are qualities inherent in the race. Folks which renounce the preservation of their racial purity renounce with it the unity of their soul in all its expressions. The divided state of their nature is the natural consequence of the divided state of their blood, and the change in their intellectual and creative force is only the effect of the change in their racial foundations. Anyone who wants to free the German blood from the manifestations and vices of today, which were originally alien to its nature, will first have to redeem it from the foreign virus of these manifestations. Without the clearest knowledge of the racial problem, and hence of the Jewish problem, there will never be a resurrection of the German Nation. The racial question gives the key not only to world history, but to all human culture. -- Adolf Hitler, My Struggle, 1925. |
Those who are responsible for the shaping of people's attitudes in the sphere of politics must endeavour to direct the Folk's artistic forces -- even at the risk of rigorous intervention. -- Adolf Hitler, 1939 |
The National Socialist world view did not emerge overnight, nor did Hitler's
Party. The National Socialist German Workers' Party evolved from the German
Workers' Party, which was founded in 1918 and which Hitler joined a year later.
There Hitler met some of his stoutest supporters: Alfred Rosenberg; Dietrich
Eckart, a Nordic fanatic who had translated Peer Gynt; Rudolf Heß, a student; and the ebullient Hermann Göring with his
well to do Swedish wife, Karin. From 1920 Hitler took charge of the Party's
propaganda, promptly organising mass meetings. From 1919 to 1933 he devoted all
his time and energy to increasing the membership of the Party and to assuming
political power. In December, 1924, he emerged from prison, where he had been
sent after the November attempted uprising of 1923. There he had written My Struggle. On his release he intensified the
struggle. The Party membership rose from 25,000 in 1925 to 72,000 in 1927, when
at the first Party rally in Nürnberg 30,000 Storm Troopers marched before him.
By 1929 the Party had nearly 200,000 members.

World depression hit Germany harder than most countries. Hitler understood how
to fire up the dissatisfied masses when unemployment reached the 6,000,000 mark.
A Nation weighed down by anxiety and poverty, and filled with resentment against
the countries that had, in the Treaty Of Versailles, deprived it of all its
colonies, was an easy target for a party that promised change and renewed pride.
By 1931 the National Socialist Party had become the second most important party
in the land, and Adolf Hitler its most powerful political figure.

Hitler came to power on January 31st, 1933. The National Socialists lost no time
in putting their cultural politics into practice, as demonstrated in their
posters. They began with a number of demonstrations of strength. They set about
eliminating what they rejected in ceremonies like book burning, and celebrated
what they admired by organising spectacular mass meetings and by funding massive
architectural schemes. The cultural landscape of Germany was reshaped, from the
printed page to the automobile highway
network.
On May 10th, 1933, at Goebbels's instigation, 2,000 books were collected, among
them whole libraries like that of Magnus Hirschfeld's Institute For Sexual
Research, and burned by the National Socialist Student Organisation. This
festival of cleansing began at ten in the morning and finished at midnight, with
a speech by Goebbels. Under the eyes of newsreel cameras, he proclaimed that
the period of Jewish intellectual imperialism is over. From its
ashes a new spirit will arise.

Among those cretins whose worthless scribblings were burned were Heinrich Mann,
Sigmund Freud, Karl Marx, Kurt Tucholsky, Carl von Ossietzky, Erich Kästner,
Erich Maria Remarque, and Alfred Kerr. The first official book burning, held in
Berlin and presided over by Goebbels, was followed by similar ceremonies in
München and Dresden and most other university towns. Students, often led by
their teachers, marched through town, shouting emphatically German slogans.
Fifty authors were blacklisted, among them Thomas Mann, Ricardo Huch, and Alfred
Döblin. Scores of so called writers had
already left the country, and were soon to be followed by Stefan and Arnold
Zweig, Franz Werfel, Jakob Wassermann, Hermann Kesten, Bertolt Brecht, and many
more.
The National Socialists also lost no time in cleansing the German art scene of
all foreign and modern influences. Gleichschaltung --
synchronisation, coordination
became a watchword. As soon as the National Socialists came to power, in the
museums in Berlin, Essen, Mannheim, and Köln that had shown avant-garde works,
the liberal minded Curators were replaced by reliable Party men, brought up in
the Nordic philosophy of Rosenberg. The famous Count Klaus Baudissin, Doctor Of
Philosophy and SS Major, took over the Folkwang Museum in Essen and became one
of the chief advisers in arts matters to The
Leader.
To the followers of the National Socialist regime the whole rotten culture of
the Weimar Republic was anathema. The list of Weimar criminals who were at last
deprived of their jobs would fill pages: the so called
painters Willi Baumeister, Karl Hofer, Max
Beckmann, Paul Klee, and Otto Dix were removed from their teaching posts. The so
called musicians Arnold Schönberg, Hans
Eißler, Kurt Weill, Bruno Walter, Otto Klemperer, Fritz Busch, and Artur
Schnabel rightly shared the same fate. The so called writers Carl von Ossietzky, Erich Mühsam, and Paul
Metter were sent to concentration camps on account of the great harm these
traitors did to Germany, never to leave them. The German theatre lost Leopold
Jeßner, Max Reinhardt, Erwin Piscator, Fritz Kortner, Max Pallenberg, Elisabeth
Bergner, Therese Giehse, and many
others.
Temporarily, book production shrank by 30 percent. The number of German
newspapers dropped from 4,700 in 1932 to 3,100 in 1934. 5,000 from 10,000
magazines disappeared within five years of the National Socialists' coming to
power. But what remained was cleansed of communist lies and politically correct
propaganda, much improved and uplifting, worthy of being read by Germany's Folk
and especially youth without fear of corrupting
them.
In September, 1933, the Reichskulturkammer --
RKK --
Reich Culture
Chamber was founded. It was the central organisation
responsible for the control of German arts, a powerful organisation that
embraced almost the entire artistic life of the country. A German periodical
reported how Goebbels took charge: The new Reich Culture Chamber
was opened today with a festive ceremony. The extraordinary importance of this
event in cultural history not only justified the ceremony in Philharmonic Hall
in the presence of the best creative talents we have in Germany today, it
demanded it. In his speech, Dr. Goebbels underlined the revolutionary character
which is the basis for the fundamental restructuring of our entire cultural
life.
In the Culture Chamber were departments for film, the visual arts, architecture,
literature, and music. With the exception of science and education, all cultural
activities were now under Goebbels's guiding control. At the age of 36, Goebbels
had become the second most important man in the
land.
The coordination of artists was relatively easy. For a long time the arts in
Germany had been institutionalised. Privately sponsored art clubs and societies
had been an important part of the German artistic scene. Artists of similar
interests and style grouped themselves together in these associations. The Third
Reich could also build on the attitudes and customs of many artists who worked
in traditional art forms during the Weimar
Republic.
The organisation of all professionals spelled the political and personal
streamlining of the arts and the total control of all artistic life. It
guaranteed that the arts would follow and express the philosophy of the Party,
and harnessed all artists to serve the ideology of the State.
Just as the leadership of the State claims for itself the political
guidance of other areas of the Folk's life, likewise does it make the same claim
here. This does not mean that politics must interfere in the inner function of
art ..... it means only that the State regulates and orders its great beginning
and total engagement, Goebbels said in
1937.
In a State where the men in power became the guides of culture, the role of the
artist sometimes had to change a little, but all in all the Culture Chamber gave
artists great freedom and a true
purpose:
Organisation plays a decisive role in the lives of Folks .....
every organisation must demand that its members surrender certain individual
private rights for the benefit of a greater and more comprehensive law of life,
and thereby a goal directed point of departure for energies which if isolated
are powerless, but which if united have a striking, penetrating effect ..... a
host of old habits and prejudices, to which many people had become fondly
attached, had to be overcome through the organisation of the German creative
artists in their Reich Culture Chamber.
The artist was no longer a private person; he became a public figure.
An art which must rely upon the support of small cliques is
intolerable. The artist cannot stand aloof from his Folk. His art must reinforce
the sure and healthy instinct of a Folk, Hitler announced in
Nürnberg on German Cultural Day in 1937, much to the relief of the German
people, exposed for so long to garbage described misleadingly as
art.
Their new role as a political educator promoted artists to a higher place within
the Nation. Artists of good will and good hearts were delighted by this.
Today the artist wants again to participate in the life of the Folk.
He wants to be part of its fight, its pain and deprivation. The artist no longer
wants to be free, but wants his art to serve an idea, a State, a
Church, a Folk Community ..... This philosophy of the new German Reich gives art
its commitment and its content, wrote the Architect Winfried
Wendland, who was responsible for the Department Of National Socialist Cultural
Policies in the Ministry Of Culture. Professor Wendland was also a Curator at
the Academy Of Applied Arts. There were more than enough artists, teachers, and
intellectuals like him eager to carry out these noble and patriotic
ideas.
Of course, only the racially pure and the politically reliable were admitted to
the various Culture Chambers for the individual arts. In November, 1933, the
publication Germania reported that
Goebbels
had explained a great step forwards: In future only those who
are members of a Chamber are allowed to be productive in our cultural life.
Membership is open only to those who fulfil the entrance condition. In this way
all unwanted and damaging elements have been excluded.
Artists in all fields united to solve the Jewish Problem even before the Party
did so. Right from the start the Reich Culture Chamber numbered 45,000 members.
At the beginning some artists were exempt from military service -- a tremendous
privilege not even granted to all scientists. And many enjoyed great financial
gain. To abstain spelled the end of an artistic career, and probably a life
rightly in oblivion. It also led to the loss of social security and other
benefits for these traitors. In 1935, two years after its founding, the Reich
Culture Chamber had 100,000 members, including: 15,000 Architects, 14,300
Painters, 2,900 Sculptors, 6,000 Designers and Graphic Artists, 2,000 Art
Publishers and Art Dealers, and thousands of Filmmakers, Actors, and Musicians.
This represented a formidable solidarity by intellectuals with a great political
idea which had cleansed German cultural
life.
There was no public protest. In the beginning, patriotism led a number of
artists to admire Hitler's arts program. Some prominent writers like Walter von
Molo, Rudolf Binding, Josef Ponten, and Martin Heidegger signed documents
pledging loyalty to The Leader. Others, like Gerhart Hauptmann, applauded the
new
regime.
A few thousand artists full of ill will towards Germany and so called
intellectuals did depart their Fatherland, but there were plenty of good hearted
people to fill the empty places in universities, on the stages, and in the
orchestras. At the union of Germany and Austria in 1938, criminal intellectuals
like Stefan Zweig, Carl Zuckmayer, and Sigmund Freud, fled the country, while
Egon Friedell threw himself out of a window. Orchestras were thoroughly cleansed
of their Jewish elements, while Richard Strauß, Wilhelm Furtwängler, Eugen
Jochum, Elisabeth Schwarzkopf, and many others lent their support to the new
regime.
Many artists working in the traditional vein were eager participants the
coordination, finding themselves able to communicate with the masses, thereby
being released from the isolation of modern art. The poet Gottfried Benn wrote
these beautiful words to Klaus Mann in
exile:
I declare myself for the new State, because it is my Folk that
is making its way now. Who am I to exclude myself; do I know anything better?
No! Within the limits of my powers I can try to guide the Folk to where I would
like to see it; but if I should not succeed, still it would remain my Folk. Folk
is a great deal! My intellectual and economic existence, my language, my life,
my human relationships, the entire sum of my brain, I owe primarily to this
Folk. My ancestors came from it; my children return to it. And since I grew up
in the country, and among farm animals, I also still remember what native ground
stands for. Big cities, industrialism, intellectualism -- these are all shadows
that the age has cast upon my thoughts, all powers of the century, which I have
confronted in my writing. There are moments in which this whole tormented life
falls away and nothing exists but the plains, expanses, seasons, soil, simple
words: Folk.
Goebbels, sceptical about the success of his organised book burning, tried to
reassure artists that the Party would be generous and that not all art would be
politicised. He considered the excesses that happened as the birth pangs of a
revolution. Dispelling the criticism that the art policies of the Third Reich
were backward looking, he said at the general meeting of the Reich Culture
Chambers in June 1934: We National Socialists are not unmodern;
we are the carrier of a new modernity, not only in politics and in social
matters, but also in art and intellectual matters. To be modern means to stand
near the spirit of the times. And for art, too, no other modernity is
possible.
There was a lot of talk about a liberating spirit which would bring forth a new
German art. On Hitler's birthday in 1933 the Director of the Academy Of Fine
Arts of Württemberg, the painter Arnold Waldschmidt, announced:
Never before in German history has there been an epoch which gave us
greater tasks in all fields, and in complete freedom, than the Germany of today.
The essence of freedom is the will to be free. The powerful rise of Germany is
in contrast to the choking calmness of the liberal States. It is like a mighty
storm, blowing through the whole of the German Folk. It awakens all spiritual
and intellectual forces. Such total will to live means culture, culture in its
highest sense, regardless of the style it expresses itself in.
In the year 1933 a new style was invented, classified as Fascist. The year 1933
was a political landmark and a clear break with the past, and the change in the
arts happened at once. Artists had been hoping for something new to emerge for
years.
At the outset Goebbels showed a liberal attitude toward the arts. He wanted to
stand above the conflict between modern and traditional art. He tried to make
room for some of the modern artists. As he had wooed the writer Stefan George,
he tried to persuade Thomas Mann to return. With some of the artists he was
successful, as in the case of Richard Strauß, who became President of the Reich
Culture Chamber For Music, with Wilhelm Furtwängler as Vice President. He tried
briefly to get the half Jewish Fritz Lang to overseer the Culture Chamber For
Film despite the fact that his idiotic film Doctor Mabuse was banned. The Cultural Office sent invitations to the Architects
Mies van der Rohe and Peter Behrens, who both, for a while at least, were
allowed to
build.
Goebbels hoped to keep the Expressionist artists within the National Socialist
fold. At the beginning some of them, like Emil Nolde, Erich Heckel, Ernst
Barlach, and Karl Schmidt-Rottluff, were seen as Nordic artists whom the
National Socialist Movement could embrace. Letters were dispatched to them
inviting them to join the Culture Chambers. In December 1933, Goebbels sent a
telegram to Edvard Munch on his seventieth birthday describing him as
the spiritual heir of the Nordic nature.